"Address to the Republican Electors of the State of New York," 22 February 1820
"Address to the Republican Electors of the State of New York," 22 February 1820
TO THE REPUBLICAN ELECTORS OF THE STATE OF NEW-YORK.
(Adopted at the Capitol, on Tuesday last, Feb. 22d.)
The Republican Members of the Legislature, at the close of the last session, announced to you their conviction, that the prosperity of the republican party, and the welfare of the state, required a change of the chief magistrate. Subsequent events have proved the correctness of this opinion, and enforced the expediency of this measure.
While a doubt existed that Governor Clinton had abandoned the principles he professed at the time of his election—while a hope remained that his errors were but occasional and not systematic—while an expectation could be rationally indulged that he might be withdrawn from the guardianship of those men who had been discarded by, or were always opposed to, the republican party,—a regard for the public tranquility enjoined caution and forbade precipitancy: but after the evidence which his recent conduct has exhibited, to doubt of his errors would be incredulity, to hope for reformation would be folly, and to delay in adopting measures to retrieve the state from his misrule, would be weakness.
It is to us a subject of lively satisfaction to know, that while we in our stations, are contributing our humble efforts to arrest the progress of political evils, and to restore the lost ascendancy of republican principles, our political brethren, in every part of the state, have duly appreciated our efforts, accorded in our views, and are devoting themselves to the accomplishment of the same object.
Those are generally the most anxious to retain power, who have the most abused it. To fortify themselves in its possession, a thousand wily expedients are resorted to, that require great circumspection to detect, and great industry to counteract. Strong claims upon the confidence of the people are interposed on behalf of the present executive, and urged with a boldness that is intended to secure belief. Duty compels us to examine some of these claims.
It is now more than twenty years since the people of this state and of the union, divided into parties; and they have maintained, almost ever since, a vigorous controversy for power. From 1807, until the close of the war, our foreign difficulties added much to our party conflicts, and both together, prevented the prosecution of those plans of improvement, which the intelligence of individuals had brought into public discussion, and the good sense of the people approved. Fortunate beyond the destiny of any of his predecessors, Mr. Clinton was placed in the chair of state by the republican party, when faction had remitted its efforts to disturb the regular operations of government; when foreign powers had ceased to trouble our repose, and when public sentiment approved, and the resources of the state justified, magnificent undertakings. It is not, therefore, to the wisdom of our chief magistrate, but to the felicity of the times, the intelligent views of the people, and to the ability of the state, that we are to ascribe most of what has been done in the last three years for our general prosperity: and we have the fullest confidence, that if any other man had been our chief magistrate, improvement would have progressed with an equal rapid pace, and our political affairs would have been as prosperously, and more tranquilly conducted.
It would be derogatory to our government, and reproachful to the people, if any one man was essential to their prosperity, or if any measure, which public opinion had approved or condemned, could be prosecuted or retarded in defiance of such opinion, by a single individual, however splendid his talents or exalted his station.
We are ready to bestow due praise upon Mr. Clinton, for the industry with which he has collected the sentiments of intelligent individuals and various classes of community, upon our affairs, and for the faithfulness with which he has presented them to the legislature in his annual speeches. From the unexampled length of these communications, he has been enabled to touch upon almost every subject that comes within the range of legislation. The partiality of his friends has, however, greatly overrated the value of these occasional hints, and unsystematized suggestions.
Those who profess to have the greatest regard for the public interest, and affect to study it the most, often feel it the least, and sometimes cover the most dangerous designs under this popular pretence. Those unfaithful servants who have incurred the just displeasure of the people, and been abandoned by them, have invariably been condemned for their acts, and not for their declarations. Some of the worst tyrants of antiquity, are yet remembered for their popular and wise addresses to the unhappy people, whom they afterwards oppressed and enslaved. It is not by an occasional display of professions, but by the general tenor of conduct, that we are to test the sincerity, and prove the devotion, of a public officer, to the high trusts that are committed to him.
You are called upon, fellow-citizens, to yield Mr. Clinton your support, on account of the wisdom of the "state administration." This phrase has lately come into very general use, and has occasioned much popular delusion. Its abuse has created confusion, and caused great injustice in the distribution of applause. The administration usually means those persons, who are entrusted with the executive powers of the government; it is however sometimes applied to the conduct of these persons in relation to the discharge of their official duties. Those who execute the laws, are both by the theory and practice of our government, distinct from those who make them. The administration, therefore, is distinct from the legislature, and the measures of the former are distinct from, and shoud not be confounded with, the acts of the latter. When you are importuned to subscribe to the wisdom, and contribute to the support of the "state administration," on account of the excellence of its measures, you will at once perceive that these measures cannot include any of the acts of the legislature. If you separate from the "state administration" what does not belong to it, you may ask, and we think you will ask in vain, for its much boasted excellence. Not one of those measures for which it is so much extolled, and Mr. Clinton so much praised, can with truth be ascribed to him or to his administration. Another view of the subject will show how groundless is this assumption of merit on the part of the executive. No act of the legislature can be an administration measure, because the concurrence of the senate, (a majority of which now is, and ever has been opposed to the state administration,) is indispensably requisite to the validity of such act. Surely, neither Mr. Clinton nor his friends can claim the exclusive, or even superior merit, for a measure, towards which his opponents have at least equally contributed. That merit must be exclusive, which is entitled to all the praise.
The occasion will not admit of a minute examination of the circumstances which attended the adoption of the various legislative measures for which the exclusive merit is claimed for Mr. Clinton, by his devoted followers. They attempt to pluck the wreath of honor and fame from every administration, to adorn the brow of their idol, and to distinguish his three years of power. Every beneficial undertaking, and every salutary law of this state, for the last twenty years, is attempted to be credited to Mr. Clinton, when in fact, so far from deserving these merits, even those measures of more recent origin, so much distinguished, were either passed previous to Mr. Clinton's coming into office, were acted upon without his aid, or could only be passed by the aid of the republicans in the legislature. Even the subject of the canals, was recommended to the attention of the legislature by Governor Tompkins, in his speech in 1816, and the final law authorizing their construction was passed before Mr. Clinton came into the government. The act relative to justices' courts, by which it is claimed that such great savings have been made for the people, was never in any manner even recommended by the governor, and is a measure with which he had no more concern than any other member of the council of revision. The bill making appropriations for the support of agriculture, met with the warmest opposition in the senate from his prominent political friends, and a member of his council, and it was sustained against that opposition, and carried in that body, by the republican members.
Mr. Clinton's own conduct affords a most conclusive objection to the claim that is urged in his favor. Very soon after he was inducted to office, and particularly during the two last years, we have seen one class of politicians excluded from the favors of the government. We have seen men who deserved and enjoyed public confidence; who had maintained the cause of the republican party by arduous services and great sacrifices; whose competency, even their enemies had never drawn in question, and whose honesty was above suspicion, removed from office by Mr. Clinton, because they were opposed to his administration; and yet we do not know of a single one on this long list of proscribed republicans, who has opposed those measures which are claimed by the 'state administration;' but the very measures which the partizans of the executive call the measures of the administration, have been ably supported by, and in some instances, owe their adoption to, men who have been proscribed for opposing the administration. Discreet men would never so far insult the understanding of the people, as to discard faithful and competent public servants, who have approved and supported those measures, on which is placed the whole merit of an administration, and at the same time alledge, in justification of this conduct, that those persons were removed for opposition to it. We think that your intelligence and good sense must have laid open to you, the true character of the state administration; and you must be convinced that it is altogether different from that which its friends would induce you to believe it to be. We are confident that we do not mistake your character in believing that you will mark with your displeasure, this bold attempt to monopolize merit and to mislead your judgment.
If you direct your attention to its real measures, you cannot fail to appreciate the motives of its friends in resting its claims for support, upon borrowed merit. When the true character is bad, credit can only be obtained from honest men, by assuming a false one. You cannot yet have forgotten with what professions of attachment to the republican party, Mr. Clinton approached us in 1817, and with what disdainful airs he affected to exclude the federalists from a participation in his nomination. A majority of a republican convention, believing in these professions, nominated, and the party elected him for a republican governor. At that time, a nomination by the republican members of the legisature, according to long established usage, was deemed by him a necessary proceeding to bring a candidate before the people, with well founded claims for their support.— His friends sedulously maintained the validity of such nominations, until a change of public opinion unexpectedly decided against them. Since that untoward event, it has been their policy to decry caucus nominations. Because it can no longer subserve their ambitious views, they renounce and reprobate a practice which has been approved and followed from the first organization of the republican party; which has presented the only effectual means of collecting the various views, and uniting the scattered energies of that party; and which has sustained us in the worst of times, against the firm and vigorous attacks of a hostile party, led on by leaders of veteran experience, and supported by wealth, talent and character.
The abandonment of this important outpost, was but a prelude to the surrender of the main fortress. The friends of the executive proclaimed that "former political distinctions were obliterated," and "the barriers of party were trodden down." This language was well understood by our former opponents: They gave Mr. Clinton a speaker and a council of appointment: Their favor in this respect was more than returned by the acts of the latter—Republicans were removed from office and federalists appointed in their places. The scenes of last winter have been repeated this. Our efforts to prevent the dismemberment of the republican party, have been vigorously opposed. The friends of his excellency who profess to be republican, were invited to meet us accordign to usage, and to pursue that course of conduct, which experience has proved to be wise and fair. They declined the invitation. We have again had to contend with, and have been again defeated by, the combined strength of federaliits and Clintonians.
A speaker and council were a second time given to Mr. Clinton, by the aid of federalists. This repeated cooperation alone furnishes satisfactory proof of coalition. If, however, these acts should leave doubts in the minds of any republicans, as to the existence of an improper connexion between Mr. Clinton and a large portion of the federal party, to remove these doubts we appeal to the long list of republicans discarded from office to make room for federalists—We appeal to the new born zeal with which these federalists embark in Mr. Clinton's cause, and their rekindled animosity against distinguished republicans—We appeal to the declarations of the leading administration paper, published under the eye of Mr. Clinton, that "there will hereafter be but two parties in the state, the friends and opponents of the administration"—We appeal to the obvious and admitted fact, that Mr. Clinton's hopes of a re election depend upon the federalists. Against such accumulation of evidence, to disbelieve the charge of coalition, requires a lamentable degree of obstinacy, blindness and incredulity. It is certainly without regret that we have witnessed the partial failure of the attempt to enlist the entire federal party in the cause of Mr. Clinton, and to array it once more against the republicans. Many of that party, distinguished for talents, private virtue and public worth, have ably withstood the allurements of the administration, loudly condemned the profligate conduct of their former associates, and are firmly resolved not to unite their political fortune with the fate of this new association. Those, however, who are determined to avoid the wayward destiny of the state administration; who are willing to unite their exertions with those of the republicans, to establish an administration in the state, that shall harmonize with that of the general government, we believe will find sufficient encouragement to persevere in this honorable course, from the magnanimity and liberality of the republican party. This party will cease to regard men as political enemies, when they cease to be such; it is willing to forget old controversies, but it will not renounce old principles. But those federalists who still retain their hostile feelings towards republican men, and are seeking every occasion to embark in opposition to republican measures; who consider apostacy from our ranks an atonement for all past errors, and a resistless claim on their confidence; who flock to the standard and embrace the cause of every political adventurer that proclaims war against republicans; who are ever ready to signalise their zeal in the service of faction; who conform their principles to their interest, and merit, by the inconstancy of their faith, and the profligacy of their conduct, the distinctive appellation of swiss; such men we avow can have no fellowship with the republican party. As they deserve nothing, they have nothing to hope from it. This party will not, on the one hand, suffer worth to pass unobserved; neither on the other, will it become the ladder for "unchastened ambition," or the sanctuary for political impurity.
While we condemn coalition, we wish not to be understood as advocating political intolerance. Though we are in favor of liberality to political opponents, who have not the power, and do not manifest the will to endanger our cause; yet we cannot approve of that liberality to federalists which necessarily produces prescription of republicans—We should rejoice at the prospect of destroying party' without extiaguishing liberty or abandoning principles; but both experience and history teach us, that such an event is rather to be desired than expected, and that it is better to continue parties founded on principles, than to abandon those principles, and assume the dangerous and clannish character of the partizans and opponents of a single individual.
The fuel which had so long supplied the fire of party in this state, seemed to be almost consumed at the time of Mr. Clinton's election; but he has since kindled a new and more devouring flame. Availing himself of old political distinctions, he has organized a new party, or rather modified the old federal party, and given it a more dangerous character and a more alarming direction. The principal object of this party appears to be the exaltation and aggrandizement of its chief and founder: the articles of its creed are few. No matter how changeful has been the faith, or how humerous the apostacies of him who seeks admission into it. No matter how changeful has been the faith, or how numerous the apostacies of him who seeks admission into it. No matter what has been his past conduct, or what is his present estimation among the people; if he acknowledges the supremacy, and believes into the infallibility of the chief, he is readily received into this association, and is cherished and promoted according to the measure of his obsequiousness and sychophancy. Into the embraces of this party have rushed those who have been driven from all others—those "miscalculating wanderers," who have explored the whole region of politics in search of adventures—men (as one of their associates has called them) "wanting principle and wanting bread," "the brotherhood of hope" and 'the hirelings of power.' By the misplaced confidence of the people, the acknowledged chieftain of this inglorious band has been placed at the head of the government of the state, and its patronage, estimated by himself at a million of dollars annually, has secured for this party many ardent and active members. All the arts of the demagogue have been used to veil its real character, and increase the number of its deluded followers. By its procurement, torrents of calumny have flooded the land. The characters of our best men and firmest patriots, have been assailed with unexampled virulence. The enterprise of the people, the wisdom of our statesmen, the honor and glory of the state, acquired in spite of its pernicious influence, have been laid at the feet of its idol.
From the present reigning power in this state, we think it no idle imagination to apprehend the degredation of our political character, and the ruin of our government. What did we experience from the temporary ascendancy of the federal party, that we have not experienced under the present state administration? What had we to dread from the permanent establishment of the former, that we may not expect with equal certainty from the latter? Are not the same men who were conspicuous in the ranks of our former opponents the intemperate zealots of the present administration? Are the objects they now pursue, or the means they now use, essentially changed since 1810? To show what they were then, we appeal to the language of the present leader—to show what they are now, we appeal to the conduct of the administration which they control. In the address to the electors of 1810, written by Mr. Clinton, after alledging that the federalists had seduced Robert Williams from the paths of honor and virtue, he says, "having, by his instrumentality, secured a majority of the council, they have proceeded to eject republicans from office, from the shores of the Atlantic to the waters of the great lakes, without regard to revolutionary service, to competency, to talents, to private or public virtues, and to supply their places with the minions of faction and the myrmidons of official patronage." Mr. Clinton and his party have with surprising exactness imitated in every particular, the conduct and policy of the federalists, which he and the whole republican party unitedly condemned. We forbear to institute a comparison between the conduct of Mr. Williams as senator, and Mr. Clinton as a governor. To discriminate between them, requires great refinement; and we leave it to the friends of the latter, to show what part of the vehement language of denunciation and reproach, which the one received, that the other does not deserve. By the instrumentality of Mr. Clinton, the federalists have lately accomplished, or rather he has himself accomplished, every thing that they were enabled to do in 1810, by the 'odious apostacy' of Robert Williams. He has ejected republicans from office, from the Atlantic to the lakes, without regard to revolutionary services, to competency, to talents, to private or public virtues—he has put in their place the minions of factions and myrmidons of official patronage.
As we have suffered under Mr. Clinton's party, evils precisely the same in character, and equal in magnitude, to those that were brought upon us by the temporary ascendancy of the federalists; so from its continuance we have a prospect as gloomy, as that which was presented to us by the apprehended success of our opponents in 1810. We have Mr. Clinton's own ideas of the consequences of this event, in the address above mentioned. "Shall this state, (says he) alone prove recreant to those principles which are held dear and sacred by every friend of the rights of man? Shall she plunge into ruin and disgrace, 'drop from the zenith like a falling star,' and commit herself to the government of a faction devoted to Great Britain and hostile to our national administration? And are we prepared to calculate the consequences and encounter the evils which may spring from this odious apostacy? May it not be the signal of relapse to our sister states, and set an example that will be followed? And if the result shall produce a state of things, which may eventually terminate in the dissolution of the union, and in the overthrow of our republican government, let us at least have the proud satisfaction of having faithfully discharged those duties which we owe to ourselves, to our country, to our posterity, and to our God." And will the same men, of whom such direful apprehensions were entertained, now they have ceased to listen to the counsels, or be influenced by the examples, of those eminent federalists, who would not follow them in their profligate career, exercise at this time a less pernicious domination in this state, under the man whom they stigmatised in their public address, as a 'demagogue and a tyrant?' Does not duty to ourselves, to our country, and to posterity, imperiously call upon us to raise our voices, and direct our exertions against a political association, in which are embodied the enemies of the republican cause, and by which the very principles of our government are jeopardized? Its effects upon our tranquility and happiness at home, are too obvious to require elucidation. The contagion of our example must make an object of peculiar dread to our sister states. We cannot expect to occupy that conspicuous station among them, to which, under a wise administration of our affairs, by men who are not justly feared for their inordinate ambition and selfish conduct, we might confidently aspire, on account of our population, wealth and position. Our influence, as a member of the federal union, is but little felt, and our character as a state, but little valued. The views of our eminent men are confined at home by the threatening attitude of our domestic affairs, and our energies are wasted in internal struggles.
We advert with humiliation and regret to the internal troubles, by which our peace at home has been destroyed, and our character abroad debased. The state of New-York has been the theatre on which, for a few years past, restless and turbulent politicians have played conspicuous parts. Actuated by strong personal feelings, they have been governed in their political conduct by the lust of vengeance and the love of power: at one time uniting their efforts in favor of the same party, that they might domineer over it; at another, joining opposite parties in order to infuse into them their personal resentments, and induce them to espouse their individual quarrels; alternately seeking the support and arraigning the conduct of the general government. They have conformed their opinions to their passions; and changed their parties as the object of their love or aversion have changed.
"In friendship false, implacable in hate,
"Resolved to ruin or rule the state"
The past is forgiven, if it is not forgotten, that they may enjoy the future. They have collected their respective retainers, transferred their allegiance, and in honor of their leader are now willing to be distinguished by the name of 'Clintonian.'
By their divisions we have hitherto been agitated with faction—by their union we are now threatened with tyranny. Although they regard with distrust all honest men, who cannot be duped by their artifices, the republican party is the only object of their peculiar hostility. We conjure you, by the memory of past misfortunes—by the hope of future repose—by your love of character—by your regard for the existence of the republican party, to unite in one grand and glorious effort to hurl from power, and drive into retirement, these factious and selfish men: from whom we have suffered so many evils, and have so many more to dread.
The limits of an address will not permit us to expatiate at large on the measures Mr. Clinton has pursued since he has filled the chair of state. He approached us as a republican, reclaimed from former errors—he was received as a republican, who merited restoration to our confidence by the sincerity of his repentance, and who had become wise by the discipline of adversity. But under his administration, we have seen the republican party distracted—its character impaired, its integrity jeopardised: we have seen the tranquility of the state destroyed, new parties formed, and increased acrimony given to our conflicts. We have seen men, whose lives have been spent in warfare against the cause of republicanism, and who have often transferred their attachment without changing their principles, to accomplish the object of their hostility, become the favorites and advisors of this pretended republican magistrate. We have seen men who never changed their attachment or their principles—who have been as constant as virtue, and as ardent as patriotism, in devotion to this cause, indignantly proscribed by him. We have seen the claims of merit, talents and character supersceded by the pretentions of favorites. We have seen the legislative brokers and bank undertakers, who have defiled the sanctuary of legislation by their abominations, and been driven into obscurity for this political offence, issuing from their retreat to enjoy the confidence and share in the councils of the executive.— Yet this administration is called republican, its purity is commended, its character eulogised, its support demanded of the people, its chief and founder presented to us as a profound statesman and consisent republican.
The honor and interest of the state, the happiness of the people, and the security of the government, all conspire to urge upon us the necessity of rescuing our political affairs from the hands in which they are now placed. To accomplish this important object, we look with confidence to the known energy, firmness and enterprise of the republican family. To unite the suffrages of this family, the republican members of the legislature have selected DANIEL D. TOMPKINS, for governor, and BENJAMIN MOOERS for lieutenant governor, to be supported at the approaching election. This selection is made in the manner which has long been practiced and universally approved by the republican party; and these candidates come recommended to you by the sanction of a regular nomination.
General Mooers has long occupied a distinguished rank as a republican. He gave in early life abundant proof of his attachment to his country, and of his devotion to the principles of liberty, by embarking with youthful ardor and serving with distinction in the struggle that gave birth to the independence of this nation. When that country was threatened with invasion, and those principles were put in jeopardy in the late war, he again took the field to defend them.
From the many opportunities you have had to appreciate the character of Gov. Tompkins, both as a man and a magistrate, we should think it unnecessary to say any thing on the propriety of his nomination, were it not that a most desperate, and as we believe, wicked design has lately been formed to impair his popularity and impeach his integrity. In accepting the nomination we have proffered him, he has given us another instance of his devotion to the will of that party which has honored him with their confidence, and which he has served with fidelity. Having for twenty years shared with the republicans of this state in all their trials, and participated in all their triumphs, he is now willing not to be separated from their future destiny.
Considering his claims to public confidence, we advert with just satisfaction to that character which many of his present enemies have heretofore conceded to him, and none more readily than the man for whose interest this character is now to be destroyed. After Governor Tompkins had administered the government of this state three years; after he had been tried and was known, the republican members of the legislature again nominated him. Mr. Clinton, in the address to the electors, says "It is our pride and our happiness to support a candidate whose private virtues are inestimable, and who fulfills all the duties of life with the most exemplary fideltiy. Honor, candor and truth adorn his life. Prudence, temperance, fortitude and justice distinguish his character. As a father, a son, a husband, a friend, a patriot, a Christian and a philanthrophist, he sets an example worthy of all imitation." Since that period, the character of Tompkins has lost none of its worth, but has acquired additional splendor. Every sincere friend to the honor of the state will feel the most grateful emotions in contemplating the firmness with which he breasted the torrents of corruption that inundated the capitol, in 1812, and swept away the virtue of the legislature. The fell spirit of speculation, which was bartering away the character of the state, stood for a season rebuked by his virtue, and was forever exposed by his boldness. It has since sought, with malignant industry, every occasion to immolate him on the altar of its vengeance. Much of the rancor and bitterness, which characterize the assaults of his calumniators, take their origin from this source.
During the war, his duties as governor of this state, were rendered peculiarly embarrassing by the violence of two exasperated parties, which continually aspired to, and alternately acquired, the ascendancy in the government. But Heaven had doomed us to a severer trial than the rage of parties. New-York had been selected as the theatre of the war. Invasion came rolling in upon us from the sea and the land. We were summoned to defend our liberty and fire sides against the attacks of the victors in those sanguinary conflicts which had desolated Europe. Our dependence at this period of general dismay, was upon an exhausted treasury, a divided people, and an undisciplined army. In Governor Tomkins, the nation placed its hopes, and on him, with all these deficiencies, this state cast its defence. In the expenditures of millions, amid this complication of duties, confusion could not have been avoided. This confusion was greatly increased by the mismanagement of a person, to whom, with unsuspecting confidence, he had entrusted his papers. The aid of the legislature was sought and given, but construction has made their act a nullity.
The friends of the executive have seized upon the controversy thus produced, and arrayed themselves against Mr. Tompkins, and assailed him with the envenomed malignity of exaspenated partizans. They have addressed themselves to your avarice, that they might thereby mislead your judgment. Before it was preceived that the destruction of Mr. Tompkins's reputation was essential to the success of Mr. Clinton, the leading paper devoted to his cause, frankly conceded the fact, "that every farthing of the public money had been appropriated to the service of the nation, although he appears to be a defaulter." Notwithstanding the truth of this concession, Tompkins is the most unjustly stigmatized—notwithstanding it is admitted that he has presented no specific claim under the law, and has been refused the allowance of a single cent, he is daily branded as a peculator, who is attempting to draw from the treasury of the state a splendid fortune.
We believe nothing need to be said to sustain in your estimation, the man who has devoted his fortune and his health to serve you, against such wanton and wicked accusations. If the voice of justice can yet be heard in this land, he will ere long confound the malice of his enemies, and rescue his character from the foul reproaches that have been cast upon it. If the man, who has served this state ten years with the most entire devotion to her interest; who has rebuked venality and checked the progress of corruption as it approached the very vitals of the government; who, when the nation was ready to fall under the number and weight of her foes, has put forth the grandest efforts to save our chief cities from plunder, and our fields from desolation:—if this man is permitted to become the victim of groundless accusation, we shall then furnish a melancholy instance of the ingratitude of republics. We are, however, far from indulging this idle apprehension. We rely upon your justice: we believe that the whole republican party, with the exception of a few who are bound to the present executive by the ties of office, or led astray by a fatal infatuation, will discard all unworthy prejudices against this favorite candidate, and that they will rejoice at the announcement of a name, which, in the most dismal periods of our party struggles, has been a sure presage to victory.
MARTIN VAN BUREN, Ch'n.
Charles H. Havens, Sec'ry.